Posts tagged Nicolas Sarkozy

Entente cordiale: Sarkozy speaks warmly of Brown at Downing St

French president says Britain needed ‘bang in heart of Europe’ and tells Cameron he doesn’t understand Tory euroscepticism

Coming from opposing ends of the ideological spectrum, Nicolas Sarkozy and Gordon Brown aren’t supposed to be political brothers in arms.

However, at a Downing Street press conference yesterday the French president chose to lavish praise on the prime minister, coming close to siding with him on the issue of Europe and saying Britain was needed “bang in the heart of Europe”, while expressing regret at David Cameron’s decision to quit the European People’s Party.

“If you ask me whether I would prefer the Tories to remain within the EPP, the answer is yes. The EPP is a good bunch of people. Opening up to others is a very good thing,” Sarkozy said.

He went on to meet the Tory leader later at the French ambassador’s residence in London, but the Conservatives said he only pressed the point of their decision to quit the EPP in passing. The meeting between the two sides had been very warm, the Conservatives said.

Brown and Sarkozy said they had made progress on bridging their differences on the future regulation of off-shore hedge funds, and they hoped a compromise agreement on a directivecould be reached in time for an EU finance ministers meeting next Tuesday.

The Americans are opposing adirective that means US hedge funds – or funds operating from London, but registered for tax outside Europe – would need authorisation from each of the EU countries. Sarkozy spoke warmly of the prime minister, saying: “I have found in Gordon Brown a convincing and convinced reformer, and hand in glove we have tried to find the right answers when the economic and financial crisis almost swept us all away.”

He added: “I know we have differences: he is British and I am French. He is a socialist and I am not. That is not as serious as the first point. We have always worked in a spirit of partnership and trust.”

The French have been building contacts with the shadow cabinet in a series of meetings, but remain perplexed by Tory scepticism, saying they cannot find the intellectual basis for this criticism.


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Tory rivals Andy Coulson and Steve Hilton move in together

Party’s communication chief and director of strategy demonstrate Conservative unity by sharing an office at party HQ

Love, it would appear, is breaking out at Conservative Campaign HQ. Andy Coulson, the party’s communications chief, and Steve Hilton, its director of strategy, are now sharing the same office at the party’s HQ on Millbank.

The Coulson-Hilton love-in is designed, no doubt, to scotch rumours of a clash between the two figures at the top of the party. The news that the “yin and yang” of the Tory campaign are sharing an office is disclosed today by Tim Montgomerie, the founder and editor of ConservativeHome. Montgomerie writes:

Steve Hilton, director of strategy, and Andy Coulson, director of communications, are now sharing an office at the heart of operations. The two men have taken over the third floor’s last available meeting room and now sit opposite each other. This uniting of the party’s yin and yang is the beginning of a big effort to ensure better communication of the party’s strategy.

Coulson, the Essex boy who became editor of the News of the World, and Hilton, who has been the brains behind the detoxification of the Tory brand, are said to have differed over election strategy. The two men have always been on friendly personal terms. But Coulson was said to favour a harder edge while Hilton wanted to focus on a sunnier, optimistic message of the future in the mould of Ronald Reagan’s “Morning in America” theme.

Montgomerie, whose blog has been picked up by Paul Waugh, blames the party’s recent wobble on confusion over its approach to the economy:

Part of the explanation for the party’s difficult few weeks has been confusion as to the Tory approach to the economy (the election’s No 1 issue according to Stephan Shakespeare). Newspapers have concluded that the party is less hawkish on the deficit and this has fed Labour’s narrative that the election is about strong Brown v wobbly Cameron. Over coming weeks there will be a concerted campaign to ensure there is no doubt, in the minds of journalists as well as voters, that the Conservatives are the party of deficit reduction while Labour are the party that got us into this mess. Cameron will be presented as the straight-talker to the nation. Brown as the leader who borrowed too much, who has wasted taxpayers’ money and who failed to regulate the banks.

Coulson and Hilton will report to George Osborne, the shadow chancellor, who is now focused on his main job for the next two months: Tory campaign co-ordinator. Osborne was given a kicking this week by Le Monde, the main voice of the French establishment, which said of him:

He has been chancellor of the exchequer in David Cameron’s shadow cabinet for nearly five years but George Osborne has still not managed to convince people that he has the gravitas of a chancellor of the exchequer. His youthful demeanour and his lack of experience are apparent on the face of this 38 year old aristocrat.

The article in Le Monde reflects unease in Paris at the way in which the Tories cut themselves off from the mainstream centre right in the EU by leaving the EPP-ED group in the European parliament. Nicolas Sarkozy, the French president, made clear his irritation during his visit to London today which included a meeting with Cameron. Expressing “regret” at the Tory decision to leave the EPP, Sarkozy said at a Downing Street press conference with Gordon Brown:

I remained convinced that the position of our British friends is bang in the middle of Europe. We need you.

Judging by pronouncements by William Hague in the FT this week, the Tories intend to accept that invitation. Hague said the Tories have made a “strategic decision” not to pick a fight with Europe.

If Cameron is not careful he may find himself in the same position as Angela Merkel. The German chancellor’s staff had, at one point, to ask the Élysée if the president could be slightly less tactile.


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Nicolas Sarkozy and Gordon Brown hail ‘entente formidable’

Two leaders stress need for close co-operation to stay ‘bang in the middle’ of Europe

Gordon Brown today described Britain’s alliance with France as an “entente formidable” as he and Nicolas Sarkozy stressed the need for close co-operation and to stay “bang in the middle” of Europe.

Speaking at a press conference after a working lunch at Downing Street today, the two leaders highlighted close political alignment on a number of policy fronts as the prime minister described relations between the two countries as “greater now than at any time since the second world war”.

Brown said he and Sarkozy were in “harmony” over the need to introduce a tax on banking transactions as he revealed that a report on the levy is due “in the next few weeks”.

As well as on the economy, the two countries were working “more closely than ever” on environmental, energy and security matters, he said.

This included putting nuclear power at the heart of tackling climate change.

In his first visit to Downing Street since 2008, Sarkozy echoed the view that it was essential Britain remain “bang in the middle” of Europe amid concerns that a Tory government may engage less enthusiastically with Europe under David Cameron.

Sarkozy insisted he was not in Britain to “play politics” ahead of the forthcoming general election but nevertheless made comments that appeared to be aimed squarely at the Tory leader, who he is meeting this afternoon.

“I remain convinced that the position of our British friends is bang in the middle of Europe. We need you,” the French president said.

Sarkozy said he “regretted” Cameron’s decision to pull the Tories out of the centre-right European People’s party grouping in the European parliament.

The two leaders used their press conference to reveal that work on a banking levy was progressing as Brown pointed to Japan’s recent decision to come out in favour of such a move.

“The banks are organised at a global level now,” said the prime minister. “Their global contribution to society has to be measured in some way. I cannot have one set of banks undercutting another set of banks by moving from one country to another as tax havens or regulatory regimes make it too easy to pay any taxes at all.

“The global financial levy is something that is not only on the agenda but will be subject to a report that will appear in the next few weeks and I believe that the French and British positions are entirely in harmony on this and we can move forward on this.”

He said Britain’s alliance with France was a partnership for the future.

Both were worried about the fragility of the economic recovery, he said, so had agreed to maintain the economic stimulus, “to stick to the course” in their determination to create high global growth.

But he stressed the need for “more global co-operation” in the G20. This should comprise “more determination, more consistency and more speed”.


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Sarkozy to warn Cameron over defence co-operation in Europe

French president may offer concessions on EDA but urges Conservatives to engage over EU future

Nicolas Sarkozy, the French president, is to deliver a firm warning to David Cameron that the Conservatives risk forfeiting vital French co-operation on energy, defence and the economy if they refuse to engage over the future of Europe.

In an attempt to lure the Conservatives into a friendlier stance, Sarkozy may be willing to offer concessions over the future of the European defence agency, seen by the party as the incubator for a future European defence force.

Sarkozy is due to meet Cameron on Friday after a working lunch with Gordon Brown in Downing Street. Sarkozy has developed close relations with Brown.

The EDA was set up in 2004 to develop European military capability and armament co-operation.

The Conservatives have threatened to withdraw from the body and the French may be willing to see it disbanded, or radically reformed, as part of a move to shift the focus to greater bilateral co-operation between France and Britain.

The greater French strategic interest is in ensuring greater co-operation between the two countries on defence procurement to ease the pressures on both countries’ budgets.

In a speech today William Hague, the shadow foreign secretary, will hint at a willingness to work with the French when he states that a key Conservative foreign policy objective will be to “retain the ability to project power on a strategic level when working alongside the United States or France, with speed, precision, safety and effect”.

The French have been lavishing attention on the Eurosceptic shadow defence secretary Liam Fox, who raised the possibility of a Conservative UK pulling out of the EDA in a recent speech in Paris. But Fox also believes Anglo-French defence co-operation is in both countries’ mutual interest, and should form an important element of the UK strategic defence review. Sarkozy is anxious to see Anglo-French co-operation prosper whoever is elected in the UK and is working hard to persuade Cameron to avoid confrontation over the EU powers.

Conservative-French relations hit a low last November when Pierre Lellouche, France’s Europe minister, described as “pathetic” the Tories’ EU plans. He warned that they would not succeed “for a minute”.

Sarkozy is not expecting any early movement from Cameron if he is elected prime minister on his party’s decision to leave the European People’s party, the centre-right grouping in the European parliament. But the French are hoping for signs that Cameron will at least set out in private what concessions he wants in his negotiations with the EU. The Tory leader has said it may take five years to repatriate powers.

Cameron will also be looking for assurances from Sarkozy that the French will not back German plans for further treaty changes to bring about a European monetary fund, an idea floated this week by the German chancellor Angela Merkel.

Sarkozy wants British agreement on greater energy co-operation, a stronger price for carbon in Europe, defence co-operation and measures to prevent Europe slipping back into recession. The French owened ED has made massive investment in the UK energy market, and is still not yet clear what the Conservative energy policy will be on nuclear and carbon subsidies.

In a bid to understand the Conservative thinking, French ministers have staged bilaterals with senior shadow cabinet members including Hague, George Osborne,Chris Grayling and Michael Gove.Last night Chris Bryant, the Europe minister, attacked the Conservatives over their position on Europe. He said: “The Tories want to avoid talking about Europe, they don’t want any questions before the election about Europe.”


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Brussels targets derivatives to help euro

José Manuel Barroso says European commission considering ban on credit default swaps to ease market pressure on Greece

The European commission announced moves today to shore up the euro and ward off market pressure on Greece by considering a ban on complex derivatives allegedly being used to undermine the single currency.

The draconian move suggested by José Manuel Barroso, commission president, follows a joint campaign by the German chancellor, Angela Merkel, and the French president, Nicolas Sarkozy, for a prompt clampdown on credit default swaps (CDS).

George Papandreou, the embattled Greek prime minister, who has been arguing in Berlin, Paris, and Luxembourg for the past several days that unbridled speculation on the markets is driving his country towards national insolvency and sovereign debt default, was expected to lobby the White House last night to join the crackdown on the markets.

Papandreou was due to see Barack Obama in Washington last night following meetings in Berlin and Paris with Merkel and Sarkozy respectively.

In concerted criticism of the speculative attacks on the euro, Merkel was also joined by Jean-Claude Juncker, the Luxembourg leader and head of the eurozone of 16 countries using the single currency, in demanding swift action to rein in the markets.

Barroso said today it was “not justified” to buy CDSs “by unseen interventions on a risk, on a purely speculative basis … The commission will examine closely the relevance of banning purely speculative naked sales on credit default swaps of sovereign debt.”

The possible ban on CDSs – a form of insurance against the risk of default – would also be raised at the G20.

Following talks with Juncker in Luxembourg on the Greek crisis, the threat to the euro, and the talk across the EU of establishing a European Monetary Fund to bail out distressed eurozone countries, Merkel reserved her strongest criticism for the markets.

“We must discourage financial market speculation,” she said. “A fast implementation in the area of credit default swaps must follow. We know this will be done on the American side too, but we think that a step ahead from our side, from the European Union, would help.”

The commission announcement came in response to pressure from Merkel, Sarkozy, Juncker and Papandreou, who threatened to take national action against the markets if Brussels balked.

The European crackdown on CDS trading appeared to be the central result of Papandreou’s tour of key capitals, a strong political signal aimed at winning time for the Greeks. The apparent determination to regulate the traders as well as the concerted political signals sent today were aimed at relieving the pressure on Greece whose debt and deficit crisis could spiral out of control and undermine the euro.

For the first time Barroso said the eurozone countries were preparing some form of bailout for the Greeks which, nonetheless, would not breach the no-bailout clause in the single currency rulebook.

“The commission has been actively working with euro-area member states to design a mechanism which Greece could use in case of need,” he said. “It would include stringent conditionality. The commission is ready to propose a European framework for co-ordinated assistance, which would require the support of euro-area member states.”

Market speculation against the euro was “an aggravating factor” in the Greek crisis, Barroso added, but conceded that Greece’s problems “were not caused by speculation on the financial markets”.

Despite the criticism of the markets and the CDS crackdown led by Merkel, Germany’s financial services regulator said it had seen no evidence of speculation against Greek bonds and no growth in the use in effect of CDSs betting on the chances of a Greek default.

Following the weekend announcement from Wolfgang Schäuble, the German finance minister, that he favoured setting up a European Monetary Fund to safeguard the euro in future Greece-style crises, it was clear today that any such move will be slow and complex, tiptoeing gingerly through a legal minefield.

While supporting the idea, Juncker said there were “a thousand questions” to be answered. The Germans and the French are certain to scrap over the rules and functions of an EMF. Merkel reiterated that such a fund would mean reopening the Lisbon treaty, a nightmare scenario that could run into trouble with Germany’s supreme court.

While the fund would work for the single-currency countries, changing the Lisbon treaty would require the assent of all 27 EU countries. Gordon Brown has already pledged no more changes to European treaties for at least a decade, while a Conservative government in the UK would face major dilemmas over how to respond to changes in the Lisbon treaty.


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Nicolas Sarkozy pledges French support for beleaguered Greek economy

French president says eurozone will stand by Greece should it need financial help

The whirlwind tour of foreign capitals by the Greek prime minister, George Papandreou, to drum up support for his debt-plagued nation appeared to pay off last night after talks with Nicolas Sarkozy resulted in a pledge by the French president to stand by Greece if it needed financial support.

At a joint press conference in Paris, Sarkozy expressed his unequivocal solidarity with Greece, saying that his finance minister, Christine Lagarde, had already drawn up legislation to help the European Union’s most indebted member extricate itself from its worst fiscal crisis in decades.

“Should Greece need financial help, the eurozone will stand by it,” the French president said. “That’s what partners are for.”

Papandreou said he hoped markets would take heed of the message and allow Greece to borrow money at “logical rates” and not the exorbitant levels it has been forced to accept to service its debt in recent months.

“We have taken all the measures,” he said, “measures that are very painful for the Greek people but reflect their determination [to solve this crisis].”

The Greek leader’s decision to meet Sarkozy – before flying on to Washington for crunch talks with President Barack Obama tomorrow – comes against a backdrop of mounting opposition to the draconian austerity policies in Greece. The response to the financial crisis engulfing the country is turning increasingly violent, with more protests against the unprecedented deficit-cutting policies. Papandreou faces stiff opposition from trade unionists, leftists and the majority of Greeks.

The shift in public mood – evident in hand-to-hand street battles with riot police on Friday as protesters tried to storm the parliament while MPs debated the measures – was mirrored in a barrage of polls over the weekend. All showed that most Greeks believed the policies, including a rise in VAT and in electricity and fuel duties, had gone too far. Four out of five Greeks now fear a “social explosion” following the announcement of the €4.8bn (£4.3bn) austerity programme, the toughest since the second world war.

Communist militants have vowed to step up street action, while unions have announced strikes ahead of a general walkout on Thursday.

In stark contrast, bond investors are pleased with Greece’s commitment to pay them back.

“In any trade there’s a winner and a loser. Unfortunately for some people in Greece they’re the losers and bond markets are the winners – they got the big cuts they wanted,” said Gary Jenkins, a credit analyst at Evolution. “[Countries] need cash and their ability to raise money is not a given, and they have to prove themselves. It’s a great shame for Greece.”

Over the past three weeks, the cuts have brought down the price investors pay to protect themselves against a potential default by about 25%. The market, populated by speculative investors, such as hedge funds, had been betting that the country could default on its debt. Papandreou has been furious about these speculators adding negative sentiment, and said he would not “succumb to them.” Despite Greece’s efforts, the “bond vigilantes” – or activist bond investors – are still active as the country needs to refinance more than €20bn before May. The Greek prime minister will also hold talks with the US treasury secretary, Tim Geithner, in Washington, and has threatened to go to the IMF if Greece’s EU partners fail to come to the country’s assistance.

During talks in Berlin on Friday, the German chancellor, Angela Merkel, praised Papandreou for passing the tough fiscal policies, but didn’t offer financial aid or guarantees for state-owned banks buying Greek bonds.


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Pushing Greece into recession | Adrian Pabst

The crisis in Greece needs sound EU economic judgment and political leadership, not Germany’s fiscal austerity

The Greek prime minister George Papandreou is embarking on a whirlwind tour of western capitals to drum up support for his crisis-stricken country. Beginning today in Berlin, where he will meet the German chancellor Angela Merkel, before travelling on to Paris and Washington DC for talks with presidents Sarkozy and Obama, Papandreou’s diplomatic offensive will determine whether Greece can secure help from its fellow eurozone members or whether the IMF will eventually be called in. What’s at stake is no longer just Greece’s creditworthiness, but also Europe’s credibility.

The next fortnight is critical for the future of Greece and the fate of the eurozone. If Athens can raise about €22bn (£20bn) to pay off maturing debt in April and May, then the risk of a sovereign debt default spreading to other heavily indebted euro countries will subside. If not, then in the absence of a rescue operation from euroland, the Greek government would have no other option but to beg the IMF for help – further undermining the status of the euro as a credible alternative to the dollar.

Papandreou’s mission comes about a month after a special EU summit in Brussels pledged collective European solidarity in exchange for tough Greek action. By announcing a third round of spending cuts and tax increases to reign in its budget deficit, Athens is fulfilling its part of the agreement. Now it’s the turn of the eurozone to help Greece bring down the cost of borrowing – otherwise the economic reforms could lead to social unrest and bring down the Greek government.

This week’s Greek bond issue was oversubscribed (bids worth €15bn for the available €5bn bond issue), but came at a high price. At 6.37%, Greece is paying more than twice as much in interest as Germany on a comparable 10-year bond. That is pushing up the cost of servicing existing debt – never mind new borrowing requirements in the second half of 2010 estimated at about €30bn.

By refusing to provide financial guarantees to state-owned banks buying Greek bonds which would help reduce the interest rate on Greek debt, Berlin is forcing Athens to devote more money to servicing debt and make even deeper cuts to public spending. This lethal mix is pushing Greece back into economic recession, reducing tax revenues, increasing the real value of its debt and requiring yet more savage cuts – a vicious spiral of debt-deflation that could plunge the country into an unprecedented social recession.

Afflicted by soaring youth unemployment and mass public sector lay-offs, not just in Greece but also in Spain, Portugal and Italy, the future of Europe’s “Club Med” is dire. With hindsight, the Brussels agreement looks increasingly like a Faustian pact with the debt devil concluded by the German iron chancellor.

Throughout this crisis (and the entire economic turmoil since 2008), Angela Merkel has distinguished herself by a spectacular lack of leadership. Her sterile appeal to respect the rules of the eurozone rings increasingly hollow, not least because Germany itself has in reality flouted the strict fiscal criteria at the point of entry (through an opportunistic sale of government shares in Deutsche Telekom) and during the ongoing recession. Moreover, she has failed to stand up to a groundswell of ugly political populism, with members of her ruling coalition (especially the market-fundamentalists in the Free Democratic party) demanding the sale of Greek islands, historical buildings and art works in exchange for German financial help.

Paradoxically, the sale of national assets is almost exactly the advice given by Goldman Sachs to the Greek government to “pay” for euro membership back in 1999. After the collapse of neoliberalism, it is worrying that the current German government prefers fiscal austerity and the pressure of global finance over sound economic judgment and political leadership. But the latter is exactly what the operation of markets requires, otherwise there will be more speculative attacks and irrational herd-like movements against Greece and other vulnerable euro members.

By contrast, France is leading the way in arguing for a rescue operation now to avoid a fully fledged eurozone bailout or an IMF-orchestrated structural adjustment programme and thereby to mitigate Europe’s social recession. With strike action and protest movements spreading across euroland, Merkel’s hardline stance is unnecessarily exacerbating a crisis that could bring down the European common currency – Germany’s main contribution to Europe since reunification.


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Rachida Dati: ‘I have never wanted to give up my high heels’

Rachida Dati caused a furore when she went back to work as France’s justice minister only five days after giving birth last year. Now an MEP, she explains how her penchant for stilettos can coexist with her drive to succeed in politics

It seems a little unfair to focus immediately on what Rachida Dati is wearing. This, after all, is a woman whose extraordinary rise to power has taken her from a council estate upbringing to the highest echelons of French politics. She was the second of 12 children born to north African immigrant parents, neither of whom could read or write, and yet by the time she was 41, she occupied one of the most senior roles in government as President Sarkozy’s justice minister, the first woman of Arab descent to be given a key ministerial position in the French cabinet. At 44, she is now a single mother to a one-year-old daughter, a member of the European parliament and the mayor of the 7th arrondissement in Paris. There can be little doubt that Dati has many more substantial concerns than either her clothes or her appearance. But, at the same time, it is almost impossible not to mention the leather trousers.

Unless you are a Hells Angel or a death metal fan, it takes a certain kind of self-confidence to carry off a pair of leather trousers. A woman who wears them is usually unafraid of being noticed and when Dati enters the lobby of the central London hotel where we are due to meet, her long, slim legs are swathed in discreetly expensive black leather, offset by vertiginously heeled black boots and vivid red lipstick. She walks briskly across the thick carpet, unaware of the admiring glances that trail her like a swarm of bees. It is hard to visualise anyone looking less like the florid-faced, flaky-scalped politician of popular imagination.

There is part of me that wonders whether Dati will be offended to be asked about her appearance, but this turns out to be entirely wrong. She is only too happy to talk about her clothes. “For a long time, ‘femininity’ has been synonymous with ‘triviality’, but that is not the case at all,” she says, her gold hoop earrings shaking slightly as she nods her head for emphasis. “Femininity is part of being a woman. It is part of my identity to preserve my femininity.”

Later, Dati tells a story about having her photograph taken in the street earlier in the day “and when we looked at the picture there was a line of teenage girls behind me and all of them had their eyes down, looking at my shoes!” She laughs, her brown-black eyes lighting up with unexpected enthusiasm.

It is difficult to imagine a British female politician expressing the same unabashed candour about a love of fashion. When, two years ago, Dati attended a French state banquet in a slashed-to-the-thigh midnight blue evening gown, it prompted a period of rueful questioning in the UK press about why our own female MPs were so sartorially uninspired.

In Westminster the consensus appeared to be that in order to be taken seriously, it was best not to draw attention to the fact one was female. Dati does not approve: “I’ve always been like this, even when I was 15, 20, it was always important to me to be well-dressed. It’s important for me to hold onto my femininity because it’s authentic to me and, you know, I was asked not to. I was told by my predecessor [at the Ministry of Justice], Elisabeth Guigou, a very pretty woman, that it wouldn’t be long until I gave up my high heels. Well, I never wanted to do that.”

Her clothes, it seems, go to the very core of Dati’s identity; they provide both a means of self-expression and a symbol of her success – a sign of how far she has come from her impoverished start in life. She has said frequently in the past that being well turned out “is a question of showing respect towards others”, an opinion that echoes Sarkozy’s own conviction that there is nothing wrong with displaying the fruits of hard-won success.

But while Sarkozy’s penchant for Rolex watches and fat cigars is gently tolerated by the French electorate, Dati’s love of designer labels has attracted vocal criticism. As justice minister, she infamously posed for a 2007 interview in Paris Match sporting fishnet tights and a pink leopard-print Dior dress, at a time when she was engaged in a series of judicial reforms that would result in drastic job cuts. Bruno Thouzellier, the president of the Syndical Union of Judges, summed up the national mood by accusing her of showing “frivolity in the face of hardship”. Damaging rumours started to circulate that Dati was more interested in celebrity than the daily grind of politics.

Was she surprised by the criticism? “There are subjects and preoccupations that are much more important in the country. It doesn’t interest me to concentrate on my little world, it interests me to address the major issues that concern the French people… That’s more important to me than what people say about photo shoots.”

But is the media scrutiny more pronounced than it would be if she were a man? “It’s not that there is more intrusion, it’s that there is more curiosity, because, first of all, it’s only recently that women have occupied so many senior posts, so it has become much more noticeable. Sometimes if they [women] make mistakes, it’s not that they make more than the men, but it’s that we talk about them more often.

“I think you face the same challenges as a female journalist or a female cashier – it’s just because what I do is public, so everything is amplified. When you are a politician, you can say ‘hello’ and it is like saying it down a loud-speaker. Everything is amplified: the criticisms are amplified, the compliments are amplified, so the ups and downs seem far more violent, but ultimately it’s the same journey faced by other women.”

Dati believes the criticism she faces springs from class resentment more than anything else. “It’s the idea that certain things aren’t for me, that I’m not allowed to wear Dior – not that I always do wear Dior, by the way – but that it’s not allowed for someone like me [from an immigrant background]. For years, I didn’t think it was a class issue, but now I’m certain it is.

“It’s aggravating for them [the critics] not to be able to classify me. I’ve never made a point of my origins, so I don’t fit easily into that narrative of someone who comes from an ethnic background. I don’t speak about my private life, I’ve stayed authentic to myself, so they don’t know what to make of me. I’m someone who wears the trappings of privilege but doesn’t come from a privileged background, so they can’t make sense of it. I’m not easy to classify.”

Historically, however, the French have expected their politicians to embody a sense of dispassionate reserve and seriousness. To many, Dati’s penchant for flash-bulbs and fashion labels seemed a distasteful error of judgment. According to Agnès Poirier, a French cultural and political commentator, Dati antagonised her colleagues by “using her private life to enhance her political career”. By contrast, says Poirier, the 34-year-old sports minister, Rama Yade, “has stuck to the French culture of not mixing her private life with her public and is gratefully rewarded for this with an enormous popularity in France”.

In many ways, the Paris Match debacle seemed to reflect France’s conflicted attitude towards its women. Although Sarkozy has championed greater gender parity to government (Dati was one of seven women appointed to a 15-strong cabinet after his election in 2007), universal suffrage did not exist in France until after the second world war and it is a society still dripping with misogynist assumptions about male and female roles. Three of the senior women appointed by Sarkozy – including Dati – have since been replaced by men and only 18% of MPs in France’s lower chamber are women.

When the Socialist candidate Ségolène Royal unsuccessfully stood against Sarkozy for the presidency, she was asked repeatedly about who was caring for her daughter during the campaign – a question that was apparently never posed to the centrist candidate, François Bayrou, who has six children, or the eurosceptic Philippe de Villiers, who has seven.

Has Dati ever experienced similar sexism? “Not very directly, no, because I’ve had a very particular trajectory. I come from a very modest background, from foreign origins. I was the first in my family to be born in France, so my personal journey is one of progression, and sexism was more or less a matter of course. There were so many other difficulties to face along the way that encountering sexism, in the end, well, it came to seem almost a privilege.”

She laughs as she says this, but the point is a serious one. In a country where the political system has for centuries been the preserve of an elitist, white, male clique (until recently, the vast majority of French politicians were graduates of the “grandes écoles“, a handful of highly selective universities open to only the top 1% of the student body), Dati’s trajectory has been all the more astonishing.

For Vivienne Walt, the Paris correspondent for Time magazine, one of Dati’s greatest strengths, and the reason for her enduring popular appeal, is that she does not come from “the usual elitist white male cookie-cutter mould of French politicians … People are fascinated [by her].”

“It’s true that I wouldn’t be here today if I hadn’t worked,” Dati says. “I came from the Middle East, my parents could neither read or write, I had no resources, I had no privileged family, so all that I’ve achieved is through work.”

Dati’s father, Mbark, was a stonemason from Morocco and her mother, Fatim-Zohra, was an Algerian farm girl. Dati grew up in a council estate in a troubled suburb north of Lyon and the family struggled to make ends meet. “We didn’t have many material goods, we were a poor family, but that didn’t affect us because we were very loved children,” she says. “I think the love of your parents overrides everything else.”

When Mbark got a job on a building site at a local Catholic convent school, he persuaded the mother superior to allow his two oldest daughters, Malika and Rachida, to study there. Dati took to the school immediately: she worked hard and got good grades, routinely coming top of the class. From the age of 16, she took on several part-time jobs to help support the family, including selling Avon beauty products door-to-door and working on a supermarket check-out. From a young age, Dati was clearly driven by a ferocious desire to succeed, and yet, when I ask whether she felt the need to prove herself, she visibly bristles. “In which domain?” In education or, later, in her chosen career? “Listen, I have been working full time since I was 16 and a half, so you shouldn’t give me a different treatment. My only judges are the people who elect me. I respond to them. The rest doesn’t interest me.”

Did her mixed-race heritage ever make her feel like an outsider? “No,” she says, a touch frostily. “I have never put an ethnic interpretation on my life story or felt myself to be part of a ghetto.” As if to prove it, Dati is unequivocal in her support for banning the burka in public institutions, an issue currently being debated in France. “When you are part of a society, the first foundation of this social contract is trust,” she says. “To be totally hidden, to not show one’s face, is a challenge to that trust and one cannot construct a society without trust in each other… [the burka] does not correspond to our values.”

Later, Dati admits that she feels the question of proving herself, of working hard to try and fit in “is asked of me because of my background in a way that it wouldn’t be about other people”. In fact, she rather resents the way her life has been packaged up and made into a neat little allegory of the underprivileged immigrant girl made good. “My life is not a fairytale,” she says. “My life has been made through work, through success, also failure and pain and that’s like everyone else.

“I was the product of my parents and I ended up as minister for justice. I did that by working hard and sometimes to the detriment of my personal life or to my life as a woman, but that’s got nothing to do with fairy stories.

“My life was nothing exceptional or extraordinary, but it corresponds to the values of France: work, recognition, free schooling, access to university. I seized all the chances that came my way.”

Where did that drive come from? “It’s temperament… I have always been curious about life, about people, about things. I have a rich life and have had a lot of luck.”

But it could so easily have gone in another direction: her younger brother, Jamal, is a convicted drug dealer. Another brother, Omar, has also been investigated for drug offences.

Dati, however, took a different path. At university in Dijon, she studied economics and began bombarding business leaders with letters asking for advice, internships and jobs. She went into accountancy and then switched to law, where her swift rise up the ranks of the judiciary brought her to the attention of the young and ambitious minister of the interior, Nicolas Sarkozy, who appointed her as his adviser in 2002.

At first, it was not an obvious alliance. Sarkozy’s right-wing sympathies and pugnacity seemed to jar with Dati’s more liberal sensibilities, but the two of them went on to become extremely close. For Sarkozy, himself a child of Hungarian immigrants, Dati seemed to embody his vision for a new France that was both egalitarian and ethnically diverse. For her part, Dati calls their relationship “a very personal attachment because I’ve worked for him for a long time. I’ve got a lot of respect for him.”

Sarkozy would go on to promote her, unelected, to one of the highest offices of state, causing widespread irritation among senior government figures. Although it is common in France to pluck ministers from non-political life, it made Dati more vulnerable to criticism and it was not until 2008, when she stood for mayor of the 7th arrondissement in Paris, that she was given the popular mandate. “In politics, you only exist if you are elected,” Dati says now.

Sarkozy, who had enthusiastically backed his protegée despite her lack of political experience, then turned on Dati when her attempts to implement radical court and prison reforms foundered in the face of implacable opposition from the judiciary. When she announced her pregnancy in September 2008 but refused to name the father, the ensuing circus of publicity and speculation was said to have irritated Sarkozy even further.

Last January, five days after the birth of her daughter, Zohra, by caesarean section, Dati was back at work, desperately trying to cling onto her job and incurring the wrath of French feminists who felt she was deliberately undermining their campaign for the extension of maternity rights. “I did what I thought I had to do,” she says now with a shrug of the shoulders. “I was a minister, it was important I returned to work… I didn’t feel pressurised into it – it was a personal decision.”

Within three weeks, Sarkozy, apparently unmoved by her dedication, had dispatched her to Europe. It was seen as a public snub and a demotion. “In French politics, Strasbourg is seen by a lot of politicians as a second choice,” explains Laura Dagg, the editor of an online political magazine in France. “The European parliament is a place where people make their reputation through years and years of hard slog. I think Dati would take any job she could get to get out of there.”

Still, Dati remains loyal to her former mentor – at one point, she even goes so far as to compare Sarkozy with Barack Obama. “He [Sarkozy] didn’t obey the normal rules,” she explains. “He, too, is a self-made man.”

She says she finds her new role as a member of the European parliament extremely stimulating but was recently caught on a French television programme complaining about her job. In a mobile phone conversation with a friend in December, Dati admitted: “I can’t stand it any more,” apparently forgetting that she still had a microphone pinned to her chest.

Today, Dati is more considered. “I have taken on two subjects that interest me [in Europe]: the energy industry and the future of financial regulation. Those are two major subjects in a time of crisis and so those are the two that I chose to immerse myself in.”

Does she still get on well with Sarkozy? “Yes. We see each other, we talk about European issues. It’s the political life.” And what about his wife, the former supermodel Carla Bruni, with whom relations are rumoured to be less friendly? For the first time in our conversation, Dati stumbles slightly over her words. “Er, he’s the head of state, his private life is no one’s business.”

Her attitude to her own privacy is similarly crisp. Dati continues to conceal the identity of Zohra’s father, claiming simply that her romantic life is “complicated”. Various candidates have been touted, including Henri Proglio, the 60-year-old general director of electricity giant EDF and the casino hotel chief Dominique Desseigne. The former Spanish prime minister, José Maria Aznar, took the highly unusual step of issuing a denial after his name was mentioned as the possible father.

Motherhood, Dati says, has not “affected” her, but has simply made her happier. “It’s not that I was sad before, [it's that] the child, my daughter, is one happiness more,” she says and it is true that whenever the one-year-old Zohra is mentioned, Dati cannot help breaking into a smile. What is Zohra like? “Well,” she laughs, “she’s certainly lively.” Her only sadness comes from the knowledge that her own mother, who died nine years ago, was not alive to meet her granddaughter. “When I lost my mother I felt I lost the person I loved most in the world… The way a mother looks at her child is different from the way a father does.”

It is unclear quite what she means by this, but there is a slight suggestion of distance between Dati and her one surviving parent. In a “tell-all” book published last year, Dati’s brother Jamal claimed that his sister had “brought shame on her strictly Muslim family” by having a child out of wedlock. Was it difficult for her father to accept her pregnancy? “That’s a personal issue that concerns my private life, my family and no one else,” Dati replies, her voice level and smooth. “We are a united, solid family and what happens behind closed doors is entirely between us.

“I hope my father is proud of me. But, at the same time, it is not so much a question of pride between us, it is a question of values. I think he is very happy that we have not totally abandoned his values.”

In the end, it is difficult not to admire Dati for her unswerving determination to achieve what she sets out to do and her refusal to apologise to anyone for how she does it. Unlike many politicians, she appears sincere and the guardedness that comes when she refuses to answer the occasional question is, perhaps, the product of not wanting to say something that she does not truly believe, rather than any deliberate coldness of manner or desire to obfuscate the truth. “I come from the principle that you should start off trusting people,” she says. “You might be disappointed but then you deal with the consequences, because if you don’t trust in the first place, you will never move forward.”

The interview is drawing to a close and Dati is being ushered into a different room for photographs. It is a task she takes to with consummate and practised ease, sitting with the straight-backed poise of a ballerina on a velvet-upholstered armchair, her stiletto boots carefully placed within shot. She seems warmer and more relaxed having her picture taken than answering questions, laughing easily and making jokes with her assistant. “I adore these heels,” she says at one point with girlish glee. “If I could sleep in them, I would.” After several more minutes posing professionally for the camera, Dati stands up to leave. She extends a handshake and a glossy smile and then totters elegantly out of the room, the leather of her trousers swishing softly as she goes.


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